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Space limitations do not permit a complete rundown on what Congress should do. Going forward, Congress needs to assert its war-making powers. Significantly, the authorization was without any time limit, allowing what became the вЂњforever warвЂќ in Afghanistan. The authorization ceded broad powers to the president in identifying the enemies and conducting war against them. Accordingly, Bush sought and received from Congress an вЂњ authorization for the use of military forceвЂќ supporting the invasion. interests.вЂќ Even though he didnвЂ™t think he needed CongressвЂ™s support to launch the invasion, it was wise politics to seek it. Bush decided to invade Iraq, he claimed that it was the вЂњlongstanding position of the executive branchвЂќ that the commander in chief has вЂњthe constitutional authority to use force to deter, prevent or respond to aggression or other threats to U.S. troops to war on the Korean Peninsula in 1950, without a congressional declaration of war, Congress has acquiesced in a determined presidential war-making power grab.Д«y 2003, when President George W.

However, since President Harry Truman committed tens of thousands of U.S. Under the Constitution, only Congress can declare war. Second, Congress must reclaim the central role in war-making decisions the Constitution gives it. Although Baghdad was open for the taking by American troops, Bush declined to do so and withdrew the troops from Iraq, thereby avoiding the mistaken path his son later would take. President Bush put together an international coalition, led by American soldiers, that delivered a first-round knockout of SaddamвЂ™s forces. BushвЂ™s defeat of Saddam Hussein after he had invaded Kuwait in the summer of 1990. Our one clearly successful major military engagement was President George H.W. We fought to a stalemate in Korea and lost in Vietnam, Iraq (the second time around) and Afghanistan. Since our hard-won victory in World War II, we have lost more wars than we have won. There is no question that we can deliver the mightiest of combat punches virtually any place in the world.

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We need to do all we can to reduce the chances of repeating such follies.ДЇirst, we need to break free from our national love affair with our military power. Yet, in Afghanistan, what began as a successful military campaign against the Taliban and their terrorist compatriots morphed into yet another failed attempt at converting a foreign country into a вЂњdemocracyвЂќ along American lines. The debacle in Vietnam sent a clear message: American military power cannot be successfully employed to create governments or cultures in our image. Instead, my plea is that we Americans finally accept the limits of our military power and adjust our attitudes and institutions to the reality of those limits. Nor do I intend to argue that some other military strategy, had it only been adopted, would have yielded success in Afghanistan and avoided what happened at the Kabul airport. My purpose is not to add to the cascade of criticism being levied against our current commander in chief, or to become yet another player in the blame game that has begun on both ends of the political spectrum about who вЂњlostвЂќ Afghanistan.

More than 45 years later, as a private citizen viewing the events from afar, I have seen similar chaos, American humiliation and catastrophe facing Afghans who opposed the Taliban. In doing my job, I became a front-row witness to the final chaotic days of AmericaвЂ™s participation in what we called the Vietnam War, but which the victorious North Vietnamese dubbed the вЂњAmerican War.вЂќД«eing driven from Saigon was humiliating for Americans and catastrophic for the people of South Vietnam. In that capacity, I was involved in the intelligence support for the evacuations of Americans and others from Phnom Penh and Saigon that spring. forces should the North Vietnamese violate the 1973 peace accords. In the spring of 1975, I was an Air Force captain serving as an intelligence analyst at a base in Thailand on the joint staff of the four-star officer charged with the command of military actions that might be taken by U.S.